Philadelphia Enquirer.
Because this year, on MLK Day, a gun-rights rally took place in Virginia. The kind featuring thousands of mostly white people, many of them carrying guns, some allegedly from right-wing hate groups, and all united in their fervent desire to carry weapons that kill.
I support the right to keep and bear arms. But the spectacle of a reported 22,000 people — many of them white and armed — converging on the Virginia Capitol was reminiscent of a gigantic lynch mob, and it was chilling that such a gathering took place on the only national holiday honoring a black man.
Next up, UNC Radio.
According to Devin Burghart, an expert on white nationalism and far-right paramilitary organizations, the language of some who support the sanctuary resolutions in Virginia bears unmistakeable links to anti-government movements from decades past.
Specifically, Burghart points to the visible influence of the idea of “posse comitatus,” Latin for “power of the county.”
Burghart says the “posse comitatus” theory claims that the political will of the people is at its most potent at the county level, and as such, the most important holders of public office are county sheriffs.
“An elected Sheriff answers only to the citizenry,” wrote Sheriff Scott Jenkins of Culpeper County, Virginia, in a recent Facebook post on the Sheriff’s Office page. “I will always respect the rule of law but I don’t need to wait for a court to interpret my duty for me.”
Sheriff Jenkins has been an outspoken supporter of the Virginia sanctuaries, vowing to deputize county residents to resist state laws regulating guns, should they pass.
“This notion of county supremacy and the ideas of the ‘posse comitatus’ that go all the way back to the 1970s, and the idea of the sheriff being the most important law enforcement officer in the land is one that has deep and deeply troubling roots in this country,” said Burghart, executive director of the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights. “The ideas originated in the racist right.”
Finally, NYT.
RICHMOND, Va. — Around 22,000 people came here on Monday to protest potential new restrictions on guns under consideration by the new Democratic majority in the General Assembly. Most of the protesters were outside the grounds of the State Capitol, and most appeared to be carrying weapons: handguns, shotguns, carbines and semiautomatic rifles. There were armed men in camouflage and military-style equipment threatening insurrection if the state’s elected representatives acted contrary to their wishes.
Walking through the crowds, I saw Gadsden flags emblazoned with “Don’t Tread on Me” and “Come and Take It” banners alongside “Blue Lives Matter” patches sewn into vests and T-shirts with oft-used quotations like Thomas Jefferson’s famous claim that “the tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants.”
The rhetoric may have been violent, but the overall event was calm — a “peaceful protest,” Brian Moran, the Virginia secretary of public safety, told The Washington Post. A model of democratic assembly.
But that “peace” can’t be separated from intimidation; progressive groups urged members not to go to the Capitol to avoid violent confrontation with extremists. There were no counterprotests or rival demonstrations. The Second Amendment had effectively limited the First.
[ … ]
These dynamics carried over into the creation of the United States. At its founding, the United States was a white republic whose Constitution reflected settler preoccupation with racial control. As it grew and expanded, so would Americans’ racialized understanding of rights, responsibilities, personhood and citizenship.
“Radicalized understanding.” “Racist.” “White supremacy.” “Deeply troubling.” “Lynch mob.”
So let me break all of this down for you in four words. Let me explain what all of this is about. This is damage control.
They wanted violence. They wanted negligent discharges. They wanted fights. They wanted arrests. They got none of that.
Now, as if Bloomberg sent out the message that this was an awful event that the enemy won, his apparatchiks are doing damage control. That’s how you know Richmond was a success.
The best thing of the three commentaries was this quote.
Mack is founder and president of the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association, and gained prominence in the 1990s. He was a plaintiff in a successful lawsuit resisting requirements that law enforcement perform background checks on gun buyers as originally intended by the Clinton-era Brady Bill. He says he’s in touch with some of the sheriffs supporting Second Amendment sanctuaries today.
“A lot of those sanctuary cities and counties across the country don’t go far enough,” said Mack. “What do you do if they still come in and try to take law abiding citizens’ guns? [The sheriffs] need to actually intervene and interpose and not let it happen.”
Yes. This. And this is what I’ve been saying all along, haven’t I?
You need to fisk your local Sheriff and his deputies. If they aren’t on board, they need to be replaced. You need to fisk your county commissioners. If they aren’t on board, they need to be replaced.
Then after lining up your assets, you can work your county attorney to ensure that he’s fully on board, or that he’s replaced soon enough by being fired by the very commissioners you put on the board. The attorney is the linchpin of this whole process, because the commissioners aren’t going to do something he suggests against. The Sheriff might (if it’s Sheriff Mack), but it would be better to fisk everyone and get all necessary parties on board. That’s your leverage. Understand it. Use it.
Listen. The second amendment sanctuary movement is a God-send. This provides structure. This provides the ability to turn national politics into local politics. Bloomberg wanted to go local. Very well. He’s won some of the battles. But by going local and getting everyone on board with the 2A resolutions, that affects not only local, but national politics and policy as well.
Do you understand? This is your chance to become involved in local politics and have a national effect.
That’s why the communists are scared of the movement. They should be. It’s grass roots. It’s organic. It’s local. Most of all, it’s righteous.